100 Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland's Referendum was by David Torrance

By David Torrance

Used to be it easily a victory for worry over hope?
How did the higher jointly crusade come so as regards to wasting it?
How did the sure crusade come so with regards to successful it?

What can the folks of Scotland – and different aspirant countries – study from this seismic democratic occasion? Scotland’s independence referendum on 18 September 2014 was once the main major poll in Scotland’s historical past. The a hundred days as much as 18 September used to be the authentic crusade interval and the world’s media was once staring at. David Torrance was once there all through, in entrance of the cameras, at the radio, within the newspapers, on the debates and gatherings, aware about a number of the behind-the-scenes manoeuvrings.

A passionate federalist at middle, defined disparagingly by means of the outgoing First Minister as ‘Tory-leaning’, Torrance made a valiant try to stay ‘professionally neutral’ all through. His observation and research because the crusade went via its many twists and turns was once continuously insightful, if now not continually popular.

'Reading this diary again throughout the enhancing technique it was once transparent that, like (Nate) Silver (the US polling guru whose view was once that the sure crusade had almost no probability of victory), I acquired loads of issues mistaken (including the most probably margin of victory) but additionally many stuff largely right. not less than i will be able to plead, as newshounds frequently do, that i used to be most likely correct on the time.'

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Additional resources for 100 Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland's Referendum was Lost and Won

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Alexander J. Motyl, Sovietology, Rationality, Nationality: Coming to Grips with Nationalism in the ussr (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 75. 76. Gilbert, Peoples, Cultures, and Nations, 126. 77. Motyl, Revolutions, Nations, Empires, 73. 78. Walker Connor, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 14. 80 At the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, almost all the socialist parties of the Second International abandoned their commitment to internationalism and supported their national governments.

Omar Dahbour and Micheline R. , The Nationalism Reader (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995), 2. 20 the prospects for liberal nationalism in post-leninist states universal salvation and the prerequisite for the creation of an ideal society, liberalism and Leninism showed striking similarities in dealing with the national question. Both classical liberalism and classical Marxism failed to recognize nationalism as a strong, persistent, and independent force shaping human society. Both viewed history as a developmental process moving in a certain direction, and therefore shared a strong sense of progress, which supported imperialist practices in both cases.

Harding, Leninism, 211. 88. V. I. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism: A Popular Outline (New York: International Publishers, 1939). 89. Meyer, Leninism, 251–52. liberalism, leninism, and the national question 39 the oppressed nation fights the oppressor, we are always, in every case, and more strongly than anyone else, in favor, for we are the staunchest and most consistent enemies of oppression.

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