Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of by Sarah England

By Sarah England

Born of the union among African maroons and the Island Carib on colonial St. Vincent, and later exiled to Honduras, the Garifuna lifestyle combines components of African, Island Carib, and colonial ecu tradition. starting within the Nineteen Forties, this cultural matrix turned much more advanced as Garifuna begun migrating to the us, forming groups within the towns of recent York, New Orleans, and la. relocating among a village at the Caribbean coast of Honduras and the hot York urban neighborhoods of the South Bronx and Harlem, England strains the day-by-day lives, stories, and grassroots organizing of the Garifuna. 
Concentrating on how kin existence, group lifestyles, and grassroots activism are performed in international locations concurrently as Garifuna stream backward and forward, England additionally examines the connection among the Garifuna and Honduran nationwide society and discusses a lot of the hot social activism geared up to guard Garifuna coastal villages from being expropriated by way of the tourism and agro-export industries.
Based on years of fieldwork in Honduras and ny, her examine examines not just how this transnational process works but in addition the influence that the advanced racial and ethnic id of the Garifuna have at the surrounding societies. As a those that can declare to be black, indigenous, and Latino, the Garifuna have a posh dating not just with U.S. and Honduran societies but additionally with the foreign neighborhood of nongovernmental enterprises that recommend for the rights of indigenous peoples and blacks.

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Additional info for Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of Transnational Movements in Racialized Space

Sample text

What sparked my initial interest was the fascinating mix of English Caribbean, Central American mestizo, indigenous Mayan, and expatriate European culture that permeates this relatively small 20 / Afro Central Americans in New York City town. “Postmodern” conceptions of “hybridity,” “border zones” (Anzaldua 1987), “third spaces” (Bhabha 1990), and so forth were all the rage in academia at the time, and I seemed to have found such a place, a true border zone between Spanish Central America and the Caribbean, indigenous and black, crosscut by the constant movement of transmigrants and tourists.

I continue this argument as it applies to class in Chapter 4 through an analysis of the socioeconomic conditions and class dynamics of the Limoneño transnational community. I argue that while Limón–New York City can be seen as one social space linked by the transnational practices of Limoneños, each locale (Limón and New York City) must also be analyzed as a “translocality” or “place” that has a particular history and conditions shaped by the intersection of global political-economic structures and ideologies with local cultures, labor market conditions, and ethnic immigrant compositions.

Considering that many Garifuna are probably not counted throughout the diaspora due to their mobility and/or because they are “mixed,” I would estimate the total population of Garifuna at around 400,000. Whatever the actual figures are, the reality is that the Garifuna constitute a small minority of the population in all the nation-states within which they reside. They are also considered to be a minority group in the sense that they are racially and/or culturally distinct from the national society.

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