By Dror Zeevi
In accordance with micro-level study of the District of Jerusalem, this e-book addresses one of the most the most important questions in regards to the Ottoman empire in a time of hindrance and disorientation: decline and decentralization, the increase of the remarkable elite, the urban-rural-pastoral nexus, agrarian family members and the encroachment of ecu financial system. even as it paints a vibrant photograph of lifestyles in an Ottoman province. by way of integrating courtroom list, petitions, chronicles or even neighborhood poetry, the ebook recreates a historic international that, although lengthy vanished, has left an indelible imprint at the urban of Jerusalem and its atmosphere.
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Extra info for An Ottoman Century: The District of Jerusalem in the 1600s (S U N Y Series in Medieval Middle East History)
The third aga is the mimar basi, in charge of construction and repairs. The fourth is the mühendisbasi chief engineer). The fifth is the mu'temedbasi (chief purser). The sixth is the sarrafbasi, head of the money changers, who pays the ulema their yearly Sultanic grant. The seventh aga is the veznedarbasi (treasurer). The eighth is the subasi (in charge of public order). The ninth is the bazarbasi (market supervisor). The tenth is the sehir Kethüdasi (city deputy) and the eleventh is the bezazistan kethüdasi (deputy in charge of the inner market).
Apparently stories about the frequent slaying of wives and suspected male lovers was more a myth perpetuated as a means of socialization than an actual practice, at least in the city. The strict demand for boundary definitions separating external and internal found expression in entrances and doorways. These were often located in alleys and culdesacs branching off from the main road. Windows had no panes in most cases, and those located in women's quarters had screens of wood (mashrabiyya) to hide them from view, and yet allow the women themselves to look outside.
The shari'a's partnership laws also made it possible for people to invest in tiny fragments of such property. Townspeople, as well as villagers and even total strangers, could, for example, buy one qirat—one part in twenty four—of a luxurious, wellsituated house, which would then be rented out, providing a steady income. These purchases reflected neither the buyer's status, nor his choice of residence. Still, there are indications of alignment along economic and social lines, at least in the Muslim community.