The Army and the Radical Left in Turkey: Military Coups, by Özgür Mutlu Ulus

By Özgür Mutlu Ulus

In Nineteen Sixties Turkey, the military and the novel leftist move supplied very dynamic, yet very various, political forces. in spite of the fact that, a little bit strangely, nearly all of radical leftists believed within the progressive strength of the militia in overthrowing the present regime and exchanging it with a quasi-socialist one. This ebook considers the altering views of the unconventional leftist stream in the direction of the political function of the army in Turkey. utilizing a textual research of alternative leftist teams, together with the Communist social gathering of Turkey, Özgür Mutlu Ulus describes the advance of the leftist flow in Turkey after the 1960 coup and explains why such a lot leftists selected to motivate an army revolution, which they was hoping might lead to the triumph of socialism in Turkey.

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Under these conditions the military-civil intelligentsia could only maintain mass support by following a true modernization programme. In other words, they could only ‘win the hearts of people’ by ‘enriching them directly’. As the working class was not developed other revolutionary routes were not possible. 8╇ Co-operation with an ‘old-guard’ for NDR Meanwhile, the anti-imperialist front vision dissolved mainly as a result of strategic differences. The TİP had not despaired of the parliamentary system; from the party’s point of view the election was certainly not a defeat: though only getting about 3 per cent of the votes party members rejoiced at having a chance to be represented in parliament just a few years after the founding of the party.

2) Who would be the leader of the revolutionary struggle – the working class or the militarycivilian intelligentsia? (3) How would power be seized – through parliamentary or revolutionary methods? Leaving aside for the moment the TİP’s BET WEEN KEMALISM AND THIRD WORLD DEVELOPMENTALISM 41 central position and the NDR opposition within the party backed by Belli (to be returned to in Chapters 5 and 6), Yön, as could be imagined, advocated that Turkey was in a national democratic revolution stage (as the goals of democratic revolution were not yet fulfilled), hence the struggle would be led by the military-civilian intelligentsia, who would seize power by force.

94 Referring to the TİP’s use of the term ‘the representatives of an Ottomanstyle authoritarian state, kapıkulu, the traditional ruling class’,95 Avcıoğlu remarked that it would be better to appreciate them only as the intermediary layers rather than as the determining factor in political life. As long as these strata were conscious of their strength, they could prolong their independence.

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